01/26/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (1999) “The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition” (Part 5 of 12)

0029 What is happening3a?  What does it mean to me3b?

These questions define sensible thought.

One can say that the mental operations signified by the scholastic interscope for the way humans sensibly think must be typical of the species, that is, phenotypic.  One can also say that this sensible construction is cultural, since the actions of the adult cultivates the mind of the youngster.

0030 I can ask, “How many types of these habitual events are there?”

Well, as many as there are ways to eat.

For tropical forest, individual foraging does the trick.

For mixed forest and savannah, the southern apes must have had a few more challenges.  Locations with lots of foodchange with the seasons and with the weather.  Plus, each plentiful location has more food than any one can eat on the spot.  So, the hominins rely on one another to remember all these details of location and season and other pertinent information.  They do so by forming teams.  One lucky team (of 15 cooperators) can gather enough food for an entire band (of 50 members).

0031 If a particular sensible construction (coupling a food event2a with a perception2b) occurs often enough, then could it support sociogenesis, in the style of seasonal (and occasionally permanent) teams?

The answer is obviously, “Yes.”

0032 But, how are teams (15) different than friends (5) and the band (50)?

Tomasello hones in on the idea of joint attention.  The process starts with natural clues that a certain food is available to a team, which is already prepared for obtaining and processing that food, when it is available.  This serves as a preamble to what happens next.

0033 Clearly, triadic relations, such as the category-based nested form and sign-processing are in play.  Each member of a team has similar impressions2a.  A team3b spontaneously assembles.  If the use of twigs by chimpanzees to fish for termites is cultural, then assembled teams are cultural units.  Each team-member remembers this or that.  Each offers a style of operation for others to imitate.  Plus, the assembled team engages in what Tomasello calls, “joint attention”.

Sensible construction serves as the amble, or “walk” in Old English.  Remember that southern apes are bipedal.

0034 Once the team is engaged, the preamble changes slightly.

The amble changes accordingly.

0035  The circuit of preamble and amble continues until the job is complete.

Chapter three, titled “Joint Attention and Cultural Learning”, paints a picture similar to these diagrams, but without the triadic relations.

0036 Plus, Tomasello dwells on the behavior of newborns and infants, noting how their attention fixes on objects (species impressa2a) as well as other persons and self (team3b).

Indeed, if any infant could talk, he or she would say that the most important team in the world is mom and me. 

01/25/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (1999) “The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition” (Part 6 of 12)

0037 At around the age of nine months, sensible construction comes to life.

On the content level, the normal context of what is happening3a brings the actuality of ongoing events with others2a into relation with the potential of ‘something happening’1a.

On the situation level, the normal context of what it means to me3b brings the actuality of the object of attention2b into relation with the potential of ‘social referencing’1b.

Tomasello provides details.  For example, three types of joint attention emerge in sequence.  First, check the attention of others.  Next, follow the attention of others.  Then, direct the attention of others.

0038 Tomasello aims for a theoretical account that addresses two questions.

First, why do all joint attentional skills manifest in a particular pattern?

Second, why do they manifest starting at nine months of age?

0039 Tomasello proposes that infants start to engage in joint attention when they begin to “understand” others as intentional agents like the self.

Is understanding (that is, comprehension) necessary?

Or does competence in the above sensible construction suffice?

Infants pay attention to the actions of others2a and situate the implied social reference1b with an object of joint attention2b.

Does this classify as sociogenesis?

Yes, it does.

0040 Plus, the above sensible construction does not depend on an explicit abstraction of the self as a participant.

Instead, the sensible construction generates the self as a participant3b within joint action2b

0041 The sensible construction pictured above is experienced holistically.

Social and cognitive scientists can only observe and measure facets of this whole relation.  So, they build models that explicitly abstract one of the elements.  This foregrounds the abstracted element and backgrounds the others.  For example, experiments may be designed to foreground the self3b, with the result that objects of joint attention2b may be classified as “like me” and “not like me”.

Are social and cognitive scientists observing what their models are asking them to look for?

Uh oh.  Is this another tautology (point 0017)?

I wonder whether Tomasello’s research program may be an exercise in social construction, because social constructions often have a tautological character, where the perspective level refers back to the content level, and the situation level takes on a vague or an unsettled tone.

0042 I can say that models of newborns and infant psychology support a hypothesis that human ontogeny (body and behavioral development) is phenotypic.  Phenotypes and adaptations not the same.  But, they constitute one entity.  Adaptation and phenotype coincide in that entity.  But, they are not the same

So, a question arises about the potential that an adaptation exploits or avoids.  That niche is the potential of something independent of the adapting species.

For human ontogeny2b, not as a phenotype, but as its corresponding adaptation2bthe niche1b, must be… hmmm… the potential of culture, where culture is something independent of the adapting species2a.

0043 To me, this recalls the awkwardness of points 0014 through 0019.

Here is a diagram of the resulting Darwinian paradigm.

0044 Tomasello (and other cognitive psychologists) construct Darwinian paradigms that locate culture2a as the actuality independent of the adapting species2a in order to identify phenotypic traits as adaptations2b.  The adapting species are children3b, which the above paradigm labels as “individuals within culture”3b.

The normal context of natural selection of individuals within culture3b brings the actuality of phenotypical patterns of human development2b into relation with the potential1b of an actuality independent of the adapting species2a.

What is that independent actuality2a?

Culture2a.

01/24/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (1999) “The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition” (Part 7 of 12)

0045 What is the question that I am addressing (see point 0041)?

Can Tomasello’s research program be diagrammed as a social construction?

A social construction is a type of three-level interscope, where the perspective and content levels stand out and the situation level is muddled.

0046 I suppose that I have identified two Darwinian paradigms that I can cut and paste into a three level interscope.

The first paradigm treats phenotypes2b as adaptations2b.

The second is the Tomasello-Mah synthesis.

0047 I ask the question, “Does culture (on the content level of the psychological paradigm) situate the cognitive ability to identify with conspecifics (that is, joint attention, on the situation level of the Tomasello-Mah synthesis)?”

In the following figure, I hybridize the above paradigms.  I move the situation-level of the Tomasello-Mah synthesis into the content-level of a vision in cognitive psychology.  Situation-level natural selection3b becomes content-level natural selection3a.  I also replace “cognitive ability to identify with conspecifics2a” with the term, “joint attention2a“.

0048 Notably, the actuality2a underlying the adaptation of joint attention2b in the Tomasello-Mah synthesis disappears.

If Tomasello’s research program is a house, built with the tools of cognitive psychology, then the actuality of triadic relations dwells in the basement, out of sight and out of mind.

01/23/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (1999) “The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition” (Part 8 of 12)

0049 Perhaps, a little fig leaf of a normal context can cover thirdness for the situation level.  In the following figure, I replace the empty situation-level normal context with the term, “cultural selection3b“.

Here is a picture of Tomasello’s research program.

0050 Tomasello’s vision is coherent and intellectually satisfying.  Each element in the social construction (three-level interscope) is filled in.  Plus, each normal context is nominally Darwinian, that is, based on selection upon variation.  Also, each actuality2 connects to instrumental (as well as final) causality1.

0051 This three-level interscope does not fully manifest in the book before me.  However, the title of the work before meintimates the above constellation.

Culture occupies the situation level (and originally, occupies the slot for the actuality independent of the adapting species,where the adapting species is the individual in community).

Human cognition is defined by psychological models of observations and measurements of behaviors in human newborns, infants, toddlers and so on (that is, human ontogeny).

0052 The problem?

The phylogenetic (content) level of Tomasello’s vision conceals the hypothesis that sociogenesis1a is the potential of triadic relations, as shown in the following figure.

0053 The implications?

I see four.

First, this concealment accounts for the tautological foundation of Tomasello’s natural history for hominins (points 0014 to 0016), where the potential of joint attention1b cannot be readily distinguished from sociogenesis1a.

Second, this concealment stands at the start of Tomasello’s journey, commencing with the book before me, published in 1999, and arriving at a destination in his book on human ontogeny, published in 2019.  Even though Tomasello is familiar with Peirce, he does not imagine that a Peircean framework is foundational to his enterprise.  Instead, he offers  scientific formulations.

Oops.

0054 Third continues the second.

Mah proposes that the Peircean motif of the category-based nested form may serve as a framework capable of describing scientific research into human cognition and evolution.  The category-based nested form allows one to distinguish between “behavioral competence” and “understanding”.  These terms are difficult to parse, even though the distinction is important to inquiry into human understanding.

Indeed, Tomasello’s science-based arguments direct the reader’s imagination away from Peircean semiotics and towards specialized scientific languages, unsuitable for describing the thing itself.  The actualities labeled “joint attention2a“, “culture2b” and “human ontogeny2c” are models based on observations and measurements of phenomena.  They are not descriptions of the thing itself.

Fourth, the above figures allow the reader to appreciate the relational being conceived in the work before me.  Chapter three is titled, “Joint Attention and Cultural Learning”.  Chapter four is titled, “Linguistic Communication and Symbolic Representation”.  These titles suggest that hominin culture2b is instrumentally caused by the adaptation of joint attention2a and that joint attention2a emerges from (and situates) sociogenesis1a.

01/22/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (1999) “The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition” (Part 9 of 12)

0055 Here is a list of the chapters of the book before me.

0056 Once again, here is the three-level interscope of Tomasello’s vision.

0057 Do these figures correspond?

Well, if they do correspond, then Tomasello envisions a grand schema, weaving together hominin evolution and modern linguistics into one explanatory canvas.  Human ontogeny2c describes the phenotypic expression of human cognition.   Culture2b describes traditions concerned with inspiring, interpellating and guiding human ontogenetic development2c.  Joint attention2a is the foundational adaptation, emerging from (and situating) the niche of sociogenesis1a, making human cultural traditions2b possible.

0058 To me, the first three chapters concern the first two levels of Tomasello’s vision.  The remaining four chaptersdiscuss the second two levels.

Details?

0059 In chapter four, Tomasello proposes that the social-cognitive basis of language acquisition is modeled by scientific inquiry into joint attention2a.  Communicative intentions are key.  Imitative role-reversal, along with intersubjectivity, is at play.  Joint-attention2a starts without language, at the age of one year.  Language acquisition starts soon afterwards.

01/20/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (1999) “The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition” (Part 10 of 12)

0060 So how do newborns and infants cogitate?

Well, they pay attention to events that are going around them.

Prior points 0026 and 0027 apply.  The newborn is trying to be sensible.  The newborn begins to fill in elements of an innate relational structure that is not articulated by modern scientists, but by medieval scholastics.  At the end of the Latin Age, the Baroque scholastic, John Poinsot (1589-1644 AD), formulates the proposition that a sign is a triadic relation.  Charles Peirce (1839-1914), two centuries later, makes the same discovery and invents postmodern semiotics.

0061 Of course, neither newborns or Tomasello know this, they only know the events before them.  For newborns, events include mom and dad and other siblings and the stuff of everyday life.  For Tomasello, the events include scientific inquiries into the behaviors of the great apes and the cognitive abilities of newborns and infants.

0062 Here is a picture of the scholastic two-level interscope for sensible thought.  The newborn has impressions, sensations and feelings due to an event.  The scholastics call these qualia, “species impressa2a“.  This is the only element that is filled in at first.  The other elements come into play because this relational structure is phenotypic.

0063 This relation does not require language.  It is a precursor to language.

Also, the ongoing event2a is not the event itself.  Rather, the ongoing event2a consists of impressions of what is going on at the moment2a.

By the time the tyke is nine months old, slots are filling in quite nicely.

Here is a picture.

0064 With chapter four in mind, I add another layer, where the object of joint attention2b has the potential to be represented symbolically1c (in speech-alone talk) or iconically and indexally1c (in hand and hand-speech talk).  The resulting actuality2c is linguistic communication2c (or “language2c“) in the normal context of making sense.

This added layer follows the theme of Tomasello’s argument.

0065 At the same time, the above three-level interscope correlates to a similar diagram developed while reading articles about Latin Age scholastics.  Consider two blogs appearing on Razie Mah’s website, Looking at John Deely’s Book (2010) “Semiotic Animal” (appearing in November 2023) and Looking at Daniel Dennett’s Book (2017) “From Bacteria, To Bach, And Back” (appearing in December 2023).

The scholastic picture of the way humans think is diagrammed below.

0066 To me, Tomasello wrestles with the same issues addressed by John Deely and Daniel Dennett.   Our lineage adapts into the potential1b of immaterial actualities independent of the adapting species2a.  The human niche1b is the potential of triadic relations2a.

01/19/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (1999) “The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition” (Part 11 of 12)

0067 The three-level scholastic interscope for how humans think is a purely relational structure.

Are Tomasello, Deely and Dennett discussing the same suite of human adaptations, as pictured in Razie Mah’s foundational construction of the Darwinian paradigm in the masterwork, The Human Niche (available at smashwords and other e-book venues)?

0068 Here is a picture of the Darwinian paradigm for human evolution.

For Tomasello, another term for the human niche1b is “sociogenesis1b“.   Joint attention2b is the adaptation2b.

For Deely, human semiosis2b is the adaptation and the niche1b is the potential of sign-processing1b

For Dennett, meme-usage2b is the adaptation and the niche1b is the potential of the species impressa1b.

0069 Here is a scholastic picture of the way humans think.  The actualities are foregrounded, the normal contexts and potentials fade to the background.

Species impressa2a covers impressions, sensations, feelings, qualia and decodings.  An ongoing event is the apparent cause of these cognitions2a.  Indeed, the event and its species impressa2a cannot be distinguished by a human infant.

Species expressa2b covers perceptions, phantasms, realizations, emotions, and so forth,  addressing the question, “What does the content mean to me?”3b.

Species intelligibilis2c, in theory, brings an intelligible aspect of the situation-level actuality into relation with a universal aspect of the content-level actuality.  Species intelligibilis2c is a triadic relation experienced holistically as a relationbetween what is and what ought to be.  The Latin term for what is is species impressa intelligibilis, a universal aspect of the species impressa2a.  The Latin term for what ought to be is species expressa intelligibilis, an intelligible aspect of species expressa2b.

0070 Here is Tomasello’s description of human cognition rendered as a three-level interscope.  Again, the actualities are foregrounded.

0071 To me, a comparison of the previous two diagrams supports the claim that modern Tomasello and medieval schoolmen try to fashion keys for the same lock.  The lock is a purely relational structure.  What enters into each elementdepends on the inquirer.

The scholastics are interested in separating mind-dependent and mind-independent beings, among other goals.  This seems to be a far cry from Tomasello’s journey into the natural history of who we are.  Yet, these two inquiries have this relational structure in common.

01/17/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (2008) “Origins of Human Communication” (Part 1 of 12)

0083 In 2008 AD, Michael Tomasello, then co-director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, publishes the work before me (MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts).

This book is the second marker in Tomasello’s intellectual journey.  I start following his journey with Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (1999) “The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition” (appearing in Razie Mah’s January 2024 blog).  That is the first marker.

0084 The second marker starts as an academic presentation in 2006.  His Jean Nicod Lectures, in Paris, concerns his work on great ape gestural communication, human infant gestural communication and human children’s language development.  These lectures attempt to construct one coherent account of the evolution of hominin communication.

Oh, that terminology.  Where Tomasello inscribes, “human”, I say, “hominin”.

0085 From my examination at the first marker, I already have a guess about Tomasello’s vision.

Here is a picture.

0086 Note that the titles of the levels have changed.

Also note that human ontogeny2c or models of child development currently built by psychologists2c, associates to phenotypes and genetics.  Joint attention2a or models in evolutionary psychology concerning hominin cognition2a,associates to adaptations and natural history.

0087 Tomasello uses the word, “origins”, in his title.  Does this suppose that human communication may be regarded as a phenotypic trait or as an adaptation?  Or maybe, the conjunction is “and”.

In the above figure, I get the idea that the phenotype virtually contextualizes the adaptation.  But, that is not really the case.  The phenotype2b virtually situates a species’ or individual’s DNA2a.

Here is a diagram.

0088 Not surprisingly, this diagram in genetics has the same two-level relational structure as Darwin’s paradigm for natural history.

0089 What does this imply?

A mystery stands at the heart of evolutionary biology.

The adaptation is not the same as the phenotype.

Yet, together, they constitute a single actuality, which may be labeled a genus, a species or an individual.

Two category-based nested forms intersect in the realm of actuality.  It is like two streets that meet.  The intersection is constituted by both streets.  As far as traffic goes, intersections are sites of dangerous contradictions.  Traffic from one street should not collide with traffic from the other street.  I suppose that the intersection of adaptation and phenotypecarries irreconcilable contradictions as well.

0090 Perhaps, Tomasello’s vision may be resolved by considering both joint attention2a and human ontogeny2c as adaptations, even though the latter is technically, phenotypic.

I suggest this because selection is the normal context for all three levels in Tomasello’s vision.  Since natural selection goes with adaptation, the vision is one of natural history.

0091 That implies that the potentials for all three levels are like niches.

Human ontogeny2c is an adaptation that emerges from and situates the potential of human culture2b, where human culture2b is like an actuality independent of the adapting species of individuals undergoing development3c.

Human culture2b is like an adaptation that emerges from and situates the potential of joint attention2a, where joint attention2a is like an actuality independent of the adapting ways of doing things3b.

Joint attention2a is like an adaptation that emerges from and situates sociogenesis1a, where sociogenesis1a is the potential of… what?… I have run out of actualities independent of the adapting species.

0092 Here is where the foundational Tomasello-Mah synthesis enters the picture.

Ah, so here is a problem.

Tomasello’s vision of the origins of human communication conceals the actuality underlying sociogenesis1athe potential1a giving rise to joint attention2a.  The human niche is the potential of triadic relations.

0093 What about the subscripts in the preceding paragraph?

They belong to Tomasello’s vision.

0094 This subscript business can be confusing.

To me, the concealment in Tomasello’s vision is not necessarily a drawback.  Rather, it presents an opportunity to re-articulate Tomasello’s arc of inquiry using the category-based nested form and other triadic relations.

0095 In the prior series of blogs, examining a book published in 1999, I introduced an interscope for the way humans think that derives from work by medieval schoolmen, the so-called “scholastics” of the Latin Age.

Here is a picture of the scholastic version of how humans think, packaged as a three level interscope.

01/16/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (2008) “Origins of Human Communication” (Part 2 of 12)

0096 Now, I attend to the book before me.  Right away, I suggest that the reader look at chapter seven.  Tomasello is very organized.  The final chapter provides an awesome summary of the entire book.

0097 In chapter one, the author proposes three interlocking hypotheses about the origins of human communication.

First, human cooperative manual-brachial gestures evolve initially in the domain of pantomime and pointing.

Second, this evolution is potentiated by skills and motivations devoted to sharing intentions in the context of collaborative activities.

Third, once the second point is in place, linguistic conventions evolve.

0098 Here is a list.

0099 To start, Tomasello notes that all four species of great apes, who are presumably closer in character to our last common ancestor than we are, learn and use manual gestures in flexible ways.  In contrast, vocalizations are unlearned and inflexible.  These observations support the first hypothesis.

Next, Tomasello argues that the path from (situation-revealing) ape vocalizations to (content-revealing) human speech-alone talk is untenable.  The hominin capacity for language starts with manual-brachial gestures and ends with speech-alone talking civilizations.

0100 So, there must be a twist in human evolution.

Notably, these are also key claims in Razie Mah’s three masterworks, The Human NicheAn Archaeology of the Fall and How To Define the Word “Religion” (available at smashwords and other e-book venues).

0101 So, what is this business about “shared intentions”?

How do manual-brachial gestures accomplish that?

Consider the dog.  Dogs adapt into the niche of humans sharing intentions.  They read human body language.  In a simple experiment, I stand on the other side of a low table with two overturned bowls.  If I look at one one bowl, the dog will sense that this is the bowl that hides the treat.  My dog and I share a common conceptual ground.  She knows that I give information to her for her benefit, rather than my own.  She would be very upset if I gazed at the wrong bowl, and, when she overturned it and found nothing, saw me reaching under the ungazed bowl and stealing her treat.

Is sharing food the foundation for shared intentionality?

In captivity, one ape may assist a second ape in getting food, even when that food will not be available to the first ape.  That is the type of game that cognitive psychologists design.

0102 But, hominins do not evolve in captivity.

In the wild, shared intentionality proves very helpful.

Imagine that I notice that my compatriot does not see a snake nearby in the grass.  If I could gesture a motion that looks like the motion of a snake then point to it, that would be far better than sharing food.  In hand talk, I could say, “[WIGGLE HAND] [POINT to snake].”  Over time, the manual-brachial pantomime becomes routinized as the hand-talk word, [SNAKE].

0103 Here is a picture.

0104 In order for my gestural action to become a content-level actuality2a, the other hominin must presume that his impression of this actuality2a occurs in the normal context of what is happening3a and holds the potential of ‘something’ happening’1a.

My domesticated dog knows this.

But, what of my compatriot from 3Myr (millions of years ago)?

0105 Ah, that is why Tomasello’s label of “shared intentionality” is so evocative.

The “shared” goes with the normal context of what is happening3a.

The “intentionality” goes with the potential of ‘something happening’1a.

0106 My gestural action changes my friend’s impressions.

If I do not share, then I intend for my friend to get a snakebite.

In Christian parlance, this is called “a sin of omission”.

In the parlance of natural history, this is called “natural selection”.

The problem is that part of me dies when my friend succumbs to the toxic injection.

01/15/24

Looking at Michael Tomasello’s Book (2008) “Origins of Human Communication” (Part 3 of 12)

0107 Yes, Tomasello’s term, “shared intentionality”, is more than about food.  Any dog will tell you this.  Domestication has a multitude of rewards.

Now, I examine the role of the bipedal ape near the snake.

0108 Yes, the affordance of my friend’s warning is valuable for me (and my reproductive success).

According to Comments on John Deely’s Book (1994) New Beginnings (available at smashwords and other e-book venues), this two level interscope harbors a sign.  The scholastics call this sign, “specificative extrinsic formal causality”.  I call it “a specifying sign”.

0109 According to Peirce, a sign-relation consists of three elements: a sign-interpretant (SI), a sign-object (SO) and a sign-vehicle (SV).  Unlike the category-based nested form, there is no simple assignment of categories to each element.  The reason is obvious.  Both the sign-object and the sign-vehicle belong to secondness, the realm of actuality.  That leaves the sign-interpretant as… um… belonging to both thirdness, the realm of normal context, and firstness, the realm of potential.

The above two-level interscope offers a frame for these odd assignments.

The following figure includes the three elements of a sign-relation.

The subscript, “s”, denotes specifying sign.

0110 In terms of the specifying sign-relation, my friend’s hand talk, “[SNAKE] [THERE]2a” (SVs) stands for an immediate need to avoid danger2b (SOs) in regards to what it means to me3a operating on the potential of encountering a snake1b (SIs).

0111 This only works when both me (the one near the snake) and my teammate (the one pointing out the danger) share the same content-level category-based nested form.

How do we know what is happening3a and the potential of ‘something’ happening1a without a method to arrive at a common ground?

This is a very good question.