{"id":6198,"date":"2023-04-03T08:00:00","date_gmt":"2023-04-03T08:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.raziemah.com\/blog\/?p=6198"},"modified":"2023-01-01T16:49:46","modified_gmt":"2023-01-01T16:49:46","slug":"looking-at-karatzogianni-and-robinsons-article-2017-schizorevolutions-versus-microfascisms-part-3-of-4","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.raziemah.com\/blog\/?p=6198","title":{"rendered":"Looking at Karatzogianni and Robinson’s Article (2017) “Schizorevolutions Versus Microfascisms” (Part 3 of 4)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

0022 I suppose, if the authors had the opportunity to tweak the interscope of fear2cC<\/sub>,<\/em> then the interscope might look more like the following.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/a>
Figure 07<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

0023 The two levels of interest belong to content (Anarchy) and perspective (State).  Both terms are misnomers.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The state is not the sovereign, because the normal context of sovereign power3bC<\/sub> is reconfigured by the perspective-level demiurge2cC<\/sub> of securitisation2cC<\/sub> (instead of the old-fashioned term, “fear”) into a defining power3c’<\/sub>.  As such, the demiurge-defined power3c’<\/sub> takes on all the characteristics of a perspectivec<\/sub> level.  A perspective level is typically not questioned until something horrible goes wrong.  A perspective level contextualizes the content level and the situation level in its own manners, giving state action2c’<\/sub> the appearance of judgment2cA<\/sub>, necessity2cB<\/sub> and universal application2cC<\/sub>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anarchy is not complete disorder, because the normal context of institutions3aC<\/sub> is reconfigured into networks3a’ <\/sub>that have the character of institutions, including empowerment3caC<\/sub>, disciplinary power3baC<\/sub> and frame3aaC<\/sub> (as discussed in A Primer on How Institutions Think<\/em> by Razie Mah, available at smashwords and other e-book venues).  The authors refer to P. Virilio in this regard.  The anarchy level is seen as a mess of badly-defined freedoms, spontaneous and contingent social relations, adding risk and uncertainty in an civilizational atmosphere of fear… er… securitisation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Virilio uses the metaphor of war, because war involves tactics to deny communication among enemies, redefining the operational space of the adversary and seizing opportunities to rework perspectives.  Applying the military metaphor to state action2c’<\/sub>, Virilio coins the word “endocolonialism”.  If anything, this term should have given Karatzogianni and Robinson a hint that there is something more than State and Anarchy.  Endocolonialism, the internalization of colonial power, opens the door to the ignored compliant level.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0024 So, how does the situational compliant level<\/em> transform into a state-supporting implementation of control1c’<\/sub>?<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The authors rely on a work by J. Scott, entitled Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed<\/em> (1999, New Haven CT: Yale University Press).  The lesson boils down to this: Control1c’<\/sub> requires simplification.  Simplification serves state functions2c’<\/sub>.  When securitization2cC<\/sub> defines power3c’<\/sub>, simplification allows rapid risk assessment and “appropriate” responses2c’<\/sub>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0025 However, simplification has consequences.  Compliant-level institutions must adjust to state2c’<\/sub> demands for control1c’<\/sub> in regards to the three imperatives1b’<\/sub>, while maintaining a semblance of their original righteousness1b’<\/sub>.  The problem?  Implementing the three objectives (forced choices, limited information, and requiring, yet betraying, trust)1b’<\/sub>compromises the inspirations evoked by the original righteousness1b’<\/sub> of the conforming institutions3b’<\/sub>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0026 For example, when police detain a group of intoxicated young men celebrating the upcoming wedding of one of the fellows and write each one up as “exhibiting anti-social behavior”, the conforming institution3b’<\/sub> of the police<\/em> fulfills its sanctioned organizational objectives2b’<\/sub> by filling in mandatory boxes1b’<\/sub> and, at the same time, calling into question the righteousness of thier peace-keeping authority1b’<\/sub>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Not all social facts fit into state-mandated boxes.  State-mandated boxes may not apply to all circumstances.  Plus, efforts to overcome the drawbacks of simplification<\/em> may produce the illusion of increasing danger and need for intervention<\/em>.  So, the anarchy level<\/em> adjusts to being situated by the ways that compliant-level institutions3b’ <\/sub> implement the three imperatives1b’<\/sub> mandated by the state2c’<\/sub><\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The anarchy level may adjust by a variety of means.  Networks3a’<\/sub> may become more schizoid (that is, less responsive to fear) or more paranoid (that is, fear1a’<\/sub> becomes focused on the realness and concreteness of the state2c’<\/sub>, rather than the ambiguous and atmospheric demiurge2cC<\/sub> that defines3c’<\/sub> the state2c’<\/sub>).  Indeed, all the young men tagged with anti-social behavior on that night belong to a variety of nonconforming networks3a’<\/sub>, sending a wave of concern through social arrangements refractive to the possibility of control1c’<\/sub>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0027 In the section titled, “State Terror Produces Network Terror”, the authors explore implications for the state and anarchy levels, but not the compliant level.  This distorts the conclusion, titled “Descecuritising Society”, because the authors’ proposed alternatives<\/em> to the interscope of securitisation2cC<\/sub><\/em> only mitigate some of the thematic tensions between the state and the anarchy levels<\/em>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

0022 I suppose, if the authors had the opportunity to tweak the interscope of fear2cC, then the interscope might look more like the following. 0023 The two levels of interest belong to content (Anarchy) and perspective (State).  Both terms are misnomers.   The state is not the sovereign, because the normal context of sovereign power3bC is reconfigured by the perspective-level […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[280],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6198","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-intimations-of-political-philosophy"],"yoast_head":"\nLooking at Karatzogianni and Robinson's Article (2017) "Schizorevolutions Versus Microfascisms" (Part 3 of 4) - An Archaeology of the Fall<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.raziemah.com\/blog\/?p=6198\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Looking at Karatzogianni and Robinson's Article (2017) "Schizorevolutions Versus Microfascisms" (Part 3 of 4) - 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