{"id":6194,"date":"2023-04-04T08:00:00","date_gmt":"2023-04-04T08:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.raziemah.com\/blog\/?p=6194"},"modified":"2023-01-01T16:47:50","modified_gmt":"2023-01-01T16:47:50","slug":"looking-at-karatzogianni-and-robinsons-article-2017-schizorevolutions-versus-microfascisms-part-2-of-4","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.raziemah.com\/blog\/?p=6194","title":{"rendered":"Looking at Karatzogianni and Robinson’s Article (2017) “Schizorevolutions Versus Microfascisms” (Part 2 of 4)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

0013 At the end of the introduction, the authors list a number of dichotomies, including security and insecurity, schizorevolutionary and microfascist, autonomous desire and fear management, state insecurity and resistance movements.  But, the existential dichotomy is not listed.  Instead, the authors discuss the state in existential crisis<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The state2b<\/sub> (mis)perceives insecurity and disorder when the hustle, bustle and occasional squabbles among institutions3aC<\/sub>does not comport with the demiurge3cC<\/sub> that defines3b<\/sub> the state2b<\/sub> as emerging from the potential of ‘domination’1b<\/sub>.  For the securitization state2b<\/sub>, that demiurge is fear3cC<\/sub>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0014 When the state2b<\/sub> then responds to the perceived sources of insecurity, the state2b<\/sub> acts against institutions3aC<\/sub>pursuing their own organizational objectives2aC<\/sub> on the basis of their own righteousness1aC<\/sub>.  The state2b<\/sub> defines some institutions3a<\/sub> as dangerous2b<\/sub> on the basis of promoting unsanctioned violence1a<\/sub>, spreading unsanctioned information1a<\/sub>and cultivating unsanctioned charismatic influence1a<\/sub>.  The state2b will degrade these institutions3aC<\/sub> into networks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What about the other institutions3aC<\/sub>?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oh, they are not dangerous because they conform.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

They are sanctioned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0015 Consequently, the content level divides into conforming institutions and non-conforming networks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/a>
Figure 05<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

0016 Even though conforming institutions3aC<\/sub> (such as education, healthcare, civic administration, industry, labor, and so on) retain their originating righteousnesses1aC<\/sub>, they adopt the three imperatives of domination, such as forced choice (violence, P1), restricted information (administration, P2) and reputation management (charisma, P3) according to state2b<\/sub>decrees emerging from the possibility of ‘control’1b<\/sub> in a normal context3b<\/sub> defined by a higher loyalty2cC<\/sub>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The situation… or is it the perspective?.. confuses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Under the demiurge of fear2cC<\/sub>, certain institutions3aC<\/sub> may perceive themselves as operating under sovereign power3bC<\/sub>, but they are not.  They are under suspicion by the state2b<\/sub>.  They are networks3aC<\/sub> that are subject to domination2a<\/sub> because their righteousness1a<\/sub> cannot be put into perspective1c<\/sub>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why can’t institutions3aC<\/sub> defined as nonconforming<\/em> be put into perspective?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0017 Unsupervised righteousness1a’<\/sub> is not subject to the state control1c’<\/sub>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the authors say (more or less), “The state2c’<\/sub> perceives chaos when the order of a network3a’<\/sub> (that is, its ‘righteousness’1a’<\/sub>) is incompatible with the potential1c’ <\/sub>of the state2c’<\/sub> (that is, ‘domination’ and ‘control’1c’<\/sub>).”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0018 How long has this been going on?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The authors speculate that the basic logic of dual power (the defining power3c’<\/sub> humanizing conforming institutions3b’<\/sub> and dehumanizing nonconforming networks3a’<\/sub>) goes back to the earliest states.  As such, the state2c’<\/sub> is a repressive, anti-productive force, that seeks to regulate, overdetermine, block and subjugate social relations3aC<\/sub> through domination1c’<\/sub>.  It2c’<\/sub> takes productive institutions3aC<\/sub> and turns them into organs of state production3b’<\/sub>, thus extending the reality of the state system.  It2c’<\/sub> takes productive institutions3aC<\/sub> and degrades them into networks3a’<\/sub> through microfascist aggression, yielding distinctions such as schizoid (the state2c’<\/sub> is an illusion) and paranoid (the state2c’<\/sub> is out to get me and my network).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0019 What does this imply in terms of the content-level of institutions3aC<\/sub> splitting into two?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 To me, it implies that the differentiated approach<\/em> dissolves and a new interscope<\/em> coaleses in the definition approach<\/em>.  Fear2cC<\/sub>, the perspective-level relational object, transcends this interscope.  Hence, the resulting interscope is existential in the sense that situation-level state2b<\/sub> becomes a perspective-level actuality2c’ <\/sub>within an interscope conditioned by the demiurge of fear2cC<\/sub><\/em>.  Then, conforming institutions3aC<\/sub> enter into the situation (or now, compliant) level of the new interscope.  Plus, nonconforming networks3aC<\/sub> end up in the content (or anarchy) level of the new interscope.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

0020 Here is a picture of the resulting interscope of fear2cC<\/sub><\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/a>
Figure 06<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

0021 Does this match Karatzogianni and Robinson’s argument?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yes and no.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yes, the interscope of fear2cC<\/sub> corresponds to the tenor of their argument in the section, “The State in Existential Crisis”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

No, the subsequent sections, “Anarchy and State Securitisation” and “State Terror Produces Network Terror”, deals with only the statec’<\/sub> and the anarchya’<\/sub> levels.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

0013 At the end of the introduction, the authors list a number of dichotomies, including security and insecurity, schizorevolutionary and microfascist, autonomous desire and fear management, state insecurity and resistance movements.  But, the existential dichotomy is not listed.  Instead, the authors discuss the state in existential crisis. The state2b (mis)perceives insecurity and disorder when the hustle, bustle and occasional […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[280],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6194","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-intimations-of-political-philosophy"],"yoast_head":"\nLooking at Karatzogianni and Robinson's Article (2017) "Schizorevolutions Versus Microfascisms" (Part 2 of 4) - An Archaeology of the Fall<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.raziemah.com\/blog\/?p=6194\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Looking at Karatzogianni and Robinson's Article (2017) "Schizorevolutions Versus Microfascisms" (Part 2 of 4) - An Archaeology of the Fall\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"0013 At the end of the introduction, the authors list a number of dichotomies, including security and insecurity, schizorevolutionary and microfascist, autonomous desire and fear management, state insecurity and resistance movements.  But, the existential dichotomy is not listed.  Instead, the authors discuss the state in existential crisis. 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